Could the release of certain prisoners of conscience promise a new phase in which the regime decides to let up on its policy of repression? Nothing is less certain. Paranoia around the case involving those accused of “plotting to undermine national security”—a trial which opened with a remote hearing and which authorities have attempted to bury under an imposed media blackout—does not bode well.
Never before has Tunisia’s Parliament shown such allegiance to the regime in power. The Assembly of the Representatives of the People has been reduced to serving as the presidency’s relay, as Kais Saied seizes the opportunity to tighten the executive authority’s grip on Parliament.
The debilitating crisis suffered by the central bureau of Tunisia’s primary labor union is far from over. Internal divisions have become impossible to ignore. And the government, eager as it is to dissolve any intermediary bodies in its way, is not displeased.
Terrorized by wildfires and abandoned by the government, the women who inhabit Tunisia’s mountains and forests have not lost heart. Indeed, they are taking action—with joy and dedication—to rejuvenate the forests which are their entire world.
The women who use injectable drugs in Tunisia number in the thousands. Victims of violence, they turn to sex work where they are exposed to HIV infection. And yet they are ignored, rendered invisible by the Tunisian government and feminists alike, as one activist explains to Nawaat.
Over the past several weeks, the prison sentences received by certain “influencers” have been at the center of debate in Tunisia. But beyond these cases which have drawn a great deal of attention in the media, Tunisia’s entire justice system—and in particular its policy of normalizing incarceration—is called into question.
Praised for its “feats” by Italy’s extreme right, the immigration policy implemented by President Kais Saied builds off a strategy whose objectives are twofold. Here is how the government has succeeded in killing two birds with one stone.
Kais Saied was reelected as Tunisia’s president in the first round of elections. His Soviet-like score of 90.69% must not obscure record voter abstention rates: more than 7 out of 10 Tunisians—and more than 94% of Tunisian youth—did not turn out to vote. While there is no evidence that massive fraud took place on election day, the entire electoral process was marked by repressive tactics aiming to cement Saied’s second term in office. Recap of the past election year and the crackdown which ensured the outgoing president’s victory at the polls.
The UGTT has deserted the street, and its once vociferous leaders are opting for discretion. According to a high official within the organization, the return to restricted freedoms and pressure on political parties, organizations and associations are signs of real danger.
With a generation of young fathers more involved in raising their children, is Tunisia’s father figure being redefined? The answer is not clear. While the concept of “head of household” may be changing, equality between parents remains a (very) long way off.
For a long time, La Goulette seemed to be a symbol of diversity and co-existence. Some recall with nostalgia bohemian beach-goers and the intermingling of communities. But such postcard images reflect the past. Today, different populations have entered onto the scene, and the picture is one tainted by poverty.
A mecca of used books, Dabaghine street has seen its flow of foot traffic subside over the years. Passers-by seem more interested in rolls of fabric and fricassé than books, as vendors look on, hoping to resist the zeitgeist.
Over the past decade, a drastic increase in the number of wildfires has jeopardized the livelihood of nearly one million Tunisians. All of the forests spanning the governorate of Bizerte in the north-most tip of the country, to the governorates of Beja and Kef in the northwest, to still others in the center and northeast—overall more than a third of the country’s total surface area—are impacted by the fires.
The Mediterranean is becoming a graveyard as Europe looks to outsource the management of its borders, dealing out bribes to countries at its southern and eastern gateways. Stripped of their humanity, migrants are reduced to grim statistics. Journalists within the network Independent Media on the Arab World present readers with a series of articles exposing the exorbitant price paid by concerned populations, against their will.
They are grassroots activists, journalists and politicians. They face the wrath of a regime which sets out to silence dissenting voices. And, like their male counterparts, these Tunisian women pay the price for their activism.
Sexual innuendos, fondling, inappropriate remarks…For some university students, the academic experience is tinged with this sort of abuse. Sexual harassment in Tunisia’s higher learning institutions is a widespread phenomenon that is both normalized but also “almost taboo.”
More and more journalists are being harassed, prosecuted, and imprisoned. Freedom of the press is at an all-time low in Tunisia. Since July 25 and the promulgation of Decree-law 54, hostility towards journalists has been on the rise.
Civil society activists and employees arrested, UN organizations vilified, media outlets—including Nawaat—targeted. Once again, the country’s migration crisis serves as pretext for the ongoing witch hunt led by President Kais Saied to suppress the voices of regime critics.
