The Covid-19 crisis unveiled inequalities in Tunisia’s educational system, not only between public and private education, but within private education itself. With an unregulated private sector and students’ parents left to fend for themselves, the crisis also revealed the government’s disengagement from its role as regulator.
« Disinformation as a service » is how the Atlantic Council described the services provided by Tunisian digital communication agency UReputation to presidential candidate Nabil Karoui during his campaign for Tunisia’s 2019 presidential elections. On June 5, the American think-tank published an investigation carried out by its Digital Forensic Research lab (DFRLab) which exposed the collaboration. Dubbed « Operation Carthage », UReputation’s activities targeted 10 African countries to the profit of four politicians running for president in their countries’ elections. Yet another affair revealing Karoui’s dubious practices, who owns UReputation, the Tunisian PR firm with such global influence?
Modern decor, open space, young people bustling about. Nothing here would seem to indicate that this is a psychologial care center. And yet the A7kili Center is just this, dedicated to helping individuals in distress. Since the beginning of confinement, the center received about 400 calls a day—sign of a real need for psychological support.
A sea of cars fills the street from Bab Alioua to Bab Jazira. Dozens of people carrying plastic bags are on the lookout for available taxis which are few and far between. The closer one gets to Boumendil, the thicker the crowd becomes. In this souk, a hub for contraband, life is returning to normal as Aid draws near. But the threat of Coronavirus hovers all along this street that is teeming with foot traffic.
With touching and kissing banished from daily life and physical distancing encouraged, Covid-19 has not only taken its toll on social but also intimate relationships. Whether living under the same roof or separated by the restrictions that confinement imposes, couples are forced to navigate all the uncertainties that Coronavirus brings—health-related, psychological and, by extension, sexual.
During his hearing before parliament’s Administrative Reform Commission, Tunisian Minister of Industry Salah Ben Youssef presented his excuses to the Tunisian public due to suspicions surrounding a project to manufacture two million protective masks in which a parliamentary deputy was implicated. How to shed light on the affair? And how have parliament and control structures reacted?
Since the announcement of the first cases of Coronavirus on March 2, 2020, Tunisia’s government has taken measures to slow down the epidemic— the curfew, general confinement and telecommuting for certain sectors. Despite their importance at a national level however, these measures do not call into question the responsibility of local authorities in preserving citizens’ health. A responsibility that follows the principle of administrative freedom stipulated in the Code of Local Collectivities. But to what extent have local authorities fulfilled their role in preventing the spread of the virus? Have conflicts arisen with regards to the government’s prerogatives and the powers conferred on the municipalities?
Shams, an association that campaigns for the decriminalization of homosexuality in Tunisia, announced on its Facebook page that the marriage of a French man and Tunisian man in France had been recognized by the Tunisian government. The marriage was recorded on the Tunisian spouse’s birth certificate. Upon the announcement, several English-language media outlets relayed the information, tentatively qualifying Tunisia as “the first Arab country to recognize gay marriage”.
Numerous are the reports of arbitrary law enforcement and abuse of power since the confinement was first imposed in Tunisia. Certain members of security forces have used unwarranted verbal and physical violence against citizens. Not even activists collecting medication for hospitals have been spared this harassment.
Sub-Saharan Africans in Tunisia number 4,200 asylum seekers and 7,000 students, according to the National Observatory of Migration. Since the beginning of the confinement period, many of these migrants, both declared and irregular, are living in extreme precarity. Some of their stories have circulated on social media alerting the public to the vulnerability of those unable to afford rent and meet their most basic needs.
Ariana, the « city of roses » once known for its greenery and gardens from the Hafsid dynasty, is not what it used to be. Since the Urban Development Plan (PAU) was revised and agricultural map updated, the green spaces at the outskirts of park Ennahli have diminished considerably, exacerbating the risk of flooding. And real estate developers are profiting.
Located in the south of Tataouine, the Nawara oil field was inaugurated by former prime minister Youssef Chahed on February 5. According to Chahed, the field was alloted a 3.5 billion dinar budget and promises a production of 2.7 million m3 of gas, 7,000 barrels of petroleum and 3,200 barrels of liquefied petroleum gas per day. This is enough to reduce Tunisia’s energy deficit, an estimated 435.5 million dinars, or 44.9% of the 20% commercial deficit. And yet this project that Chahed described as « historic » flies in the face of the country’s international commitments.
On February 18, the High Independent Authority for Audiovisual Communication (HAICA) appealed to the Anti-Corruption Authority (INLUCC) regarding illicit broadcasting by three television and radio stations. The outlets in question, which air their programs without a HAICA-issued license to operate, are Nessma TV, Zitouna TV and radio station Quran Karim.
On March 16, Tunisian Prime Minister Elyes Fakhfakh announced a series of decisions that were not without economic consequences. Beyond the closure of air and land borders (except to goods and to flights carrying Tunisians returning from abroad), Fakhfakh announced the cancellation of all cultural, scientific and sports events. These new measures were implemented in addition to the 4pm closing time imposed on cafés, restaurants and bars. The pandemic is taking a toll on the global economy, and Tunisia has not been spared.
Since it first surfaced in China in December 2019, the Coronavirus has quickly spread across the globe. Over 90 thousand cases have been reported, resulting in three thousand deaths. In Tunisia, the first case of contamination was identified on March 2nd, a Tunisian national who had arrived by boat from Genoa on February 27. In Italy, the first death caused by the virus was announced on February 22. Since then, 2,502 deaths have been reported. In Algeria, the first case of the virus was announced on February 25, with eight more cases reported since. What is Tunisia doing to prevent the spread of Coronavirus?
A number of associations and specialists in Tunisia have advocated for sexual education, soon to be introduced into academic curriculum beginning at primary school. The project, recently unveiled by the Ministry of Education, has sparked intense controversy although its content has yet to be revealed. Will sexual education be an entirely separate subject in schools? Who will teach it? Are teachers trained for the job?
Tunisian derja and literary Arabic are often perceived as rivalling languages. But the conflict runs deeper than what appears at the surface, a product of cultural, political and historical issues. It is not enough to simply question the use of one language versus another. Instead, we can ask: why use one language at the expense of the other? What drives the decision to use one language and abandon the other? Nawaat set out to find some answers.
[This report falls within the scope of activities carried out by the network of Independent Media on the Arab World. This regional collaboration includes Al-Jumhuriya (Syria), Assafir Al Arabi (Lebanon), Mada Masr (Egypt), Maghreb Emergent (Algeria), Mashallah News (Lebanon), Nawaat (Tunisia), 7iber (Jordan) and Orient XX1 (France).]
Before aspiring to a potential future as first lady, Saloua Smaoui, the wife of presidential candidate Nabil Karoui, was an industrial engineer and, more notably, a leading officer at Microsoft. In this article, we take a glimpse at the lucrative deals made with the hangmen of cyber-dissidents.
This search is powered By Nawaat experimental generative artificial intelligence. Begin typing your search or question above then press return. Press Esc to cancel.
