Since July 25, 2021, Kais Saied has waged a systematic attack on intermediary structures. By removing counter powers and stifling critics, the Tunisian president has formed a government without mediation, opposition or debate.

Since July 25, 2021, Kais Saied has waged a systematic attack on intermediary structures. By removing counter powers and stifling critics, the Tunisian president has formed a government without mediation, opposition or debate.
Tunisia’s recent trajectory has been marked by a serious regression in terms of civil liberties, particularly since 2023. The space for civil society has receded, with executive authorities wielding the law as a tool to target rights defenders, humanitarian organizations, and outspoken critics of the current government. This in-depth review presents the stories of seven individuals—Saadia Mosbah, Saloua Ghrissa, Imen Ouardani, Mustapha Djemali, Abdallah Saïd, Sherifa Riahi, and Sonia Dahmani—each of whom has faced arrest, prosecution, or extended detention for work previously regarded as necessary for Tunisia’s nascent democracy. By examining these cases in detail, we can understand the mechanisms at work against and consequences endured by those whose pursuits are humanitarian, anti-racist, or openly critical of the government in present-day Tunisia.
The debilitating crisis suffered by the central bureau of Tunisia’s primary labor union is far from over. Internal divisions have become impossible to ignore. And the government, eager as it is to dissolve any intermediary bodies in its way, is not displeased.
The UGTT has deserted the street, and its once vociferous leaders are opting for discretion. According to a high official within the organization, the return to restricted freedoms and pressure on political parties, organizations and associations are signs of real danger.
Civil society activists and employees arrested, UN organizations vilified, media outlets—including Nawaat—targeted. Once again, the country’s migration crisis serves as pretext for the ongoing witch hunt led by President Kais Saied to suppress the voices of regime critics.
A number of NGOs have expressed indignation at the recent humanitarian crisis involving migrants driven out of Sfax, and the government is not impressed. Associations openly critical of authorities are blaring on the president’s radar, as acts of intimidation targeting certain organizations portend an open war against civil society’s dissenting voices.
Hundreds of people marched yesterday in Tunisia in support of migrants in the country, following the death of a Tunisian man in an altercation with migrants. The march, organized by several associations, aimed to denounce the increasing violence, deportations, and discrimination faced by migrants. The protesters chanted slogans against racism and expressed solidarity with Sub-Saharan migrants present in Tunisia.
In June 2017, Tunisia’s Ministry of Civil Society and Human Rights pledged to reform the legal framework regulating associations, an attempt to « harmonize » the sector with the fight against terrorism and money laundering. The government’s proposal to amend Decree 88 of 2011, widely regarded as an important gain of the revolution for freedom of association, was perceived as a significant threat to this constitutional right. But while Tunisian and international civil society organizations had their gaze fixed on protecting Decree 88, the threat materialized in a far less obvious form: draft law 30/2018 on the National Registry of Enterprises, precipitously passed into law by parliament on July 27, 2018.
Since the revolution, the number of civil society associations in Tunisia has more doubled, reaching some 19 thousand. In the context of establishing a “participative democracy” with citizens and civil society as principal actors (Article 139 of the new constitution), Decree-law 88 of September 2011 guaranteed the “freedom to create, belong to, and carry out activities through associations, and the strengthening of the role of civil society organizations, as well as their development and respect for their independence.”
Over the long weekend of July 22-25, the campaign Manich Msamah, [I will not pardon] against the economic and financial reconciliation draft law occupied the streets of eleven cities throughout the country. Marches and sit-ins throughout the month of July have multiplied as ARP deputies resume discussions concerning the measure originally submitted to parliament in July 2015.
Chartered buses from l’Institut Français headed towards Gafsa to assemble at the 6th Youth Forum, which each year, celebrates decentralized cooperation between France and Tunisia. Behind the “support” of civil society appears to be the dissemination of a doctrine; one which claims that what will help boost start-ups is a solution for mass unemployment and marginalization. In light of some “success stories”, how many are left behind?
For many, democracy is a “miracle” and one element to make this marvelous event achievable is the presence of an effective civil society. Of course, when we refer to “civil society organizations and movements,” the quality and quantity are equally important.
On 17 December 2010, a young Tunisian in Sidi Bouzid sets himself ablaze. One by one, the country’s regions rise up. On 14 January 2011, after 23 years of dictatorship, Ben Ali leaves the country. Like so many other Tunisians, Karim Rmadi, Olfa Lamloum, Ghassen Amami and Selim Kharrat decide to return home after many years abroad. Four stories that tell of revolutionary fervor, the challenges of transition, and an unshakable faith in the future.
The 2015 World Social Forum opened its doors for the second consecutive year in Tunisia. Since 2001, this open space represents an alternative to the World Economic Forum at Davos and declares its anti-globalization approach in the fight against capitalism and neoliberalism. At each session, participants and visitors express their ideas and experiences to make their voices heard and learn how to improve their capacity for self-governance.
“What we have in our favor is that current politicians are not used to politics and can be pushed to accept the needs and rights of citizens. And there is no better judge to hold politicians accountable than the citizen. When we make information public, people know what is going on. Transparency must become obligatory.”
The idea is to have the Tunisian youth act as delegates in a model of the Parliament, as is the case with the European Youth Parliament and other parliamentary youth representations. I had the chance to participate in the event after I got accepted among sixty young Tunisians. This article is my personal evaluation of the event as a whole, beyond the outward show of harmony.