Jamais les entreprises n’ont si peu contribué aux recettes fiscales. L’impôt sur les sociétés a perdu presque 60% de sa valeur entre 2014 et 2016, passant de 4.320 millions DT à 1.765 millions DT. Sa contribution dans les impôts directs perçus par l’Etat est passée de 51,1% à 22,6% entre 2014 et 2016. Autant dire que « l’effort national » demandé vise certaines catégories au détriment d’autres. Analyse.
It’s hard to believe, when you’re in Redeyef, that this town is one of the richest in the whole of Tunisia. It’s also in Redeyef that we see the real meaning of social injustice. Despite the four hundred thousand tons of phosphate mined there every year, the twenty-seven thousand inhabitants of Redeyef have, for decades now, had access to just one school, one poorly equipped hospital, and a deserted youth centre.
Difficile de croire, quand vous êtes à Redayef, que cette ville est parmi les plus riches du pays. C’est aussi à Redayef que le mot injustice sociale prend tout son sens. Malgré les 400 mille tonnes de phosphate par an, les 27 mille habitants n’ont eu droit, depuis des décennies, qu’à une école, un hôpital mal équipé et une maison de jeunes désertée.
Les femmes de ménage, on les voit dans les maisons, dans les stations de bus le matin, les plus jeunes sortent le dimanche pour se reposer d’une vie confisquée par l’exploitation et la pauvreté. Elles sont les abandonnées de la législation, les oubliées du code du travail, plus de 90% ne sont pas protégées, comme Aljia, qui se retrouve dans la rue une nuit de décembre.
At the beginning of the month, Journalist Farhat Othman criticized the Italian Interior Minister’s visit to Tunisia, observing that an offering of patrol boats, in the guise of support against terrorism and contraband, could only be intended for support against clandestine immigration since it consists of «patrol vessels mandanted by the cooperation agreement linking Tunisia and Italy since 2011 after the massive wave of Tunisians to Italy.» As if to provide a caricature of European politicans obsessed by preserving EU security, Nicolas Sarkozy addressed a cheering crowd of supporters in Nice earlier this week, calling for the «refounding» of the Schengen Area and «a real immigration policy to put an end to social tourism in our country.»
A Google Web search on «l’eau + Kairouan» produces a disconcerting variety of reports on the magnificent Aghlabid basins, the conqueror Okba’s recovery of a lost golden cup («When picking the cup up, water sprang from the ground») and the stoppage of running water to the Haffouz delegation of Kairouan, so that one is left confusedly marveling at the graceful aesthetic and functional design of the region’s ancient water source and wondering how residents of such parched lands have survived the summer months without the potable running water to which they are accustomed.
Defining the core of Nawaat’s collaborations with Privacy International, Sami Ben Gharbia points to the present legal battle that encompasses the Technical Telecommunications Agency mandated by decree and the (leaked) draft law concerning cybercrime, both of which must be addressed by «deconstructing the legal discourse of these threats and coming up with a proposal that will respect human rights.»
As much as Tunisia’s initial, post-independence, political transition was influenced by the extent and nature of economic support from the West, the success of the country’s waning post-revolution «democratic transition» is significantly impacted by the same US and EU powers. A misnomer that diminishes the scope and complexity of international alliances and enmities that it encompasses, the Arab-Israeli conflict bears greatly upon Tunisia’s relations with Western democracies, the primary prospective investors and financial backers of political transition in Tunisia for the past half century.
In Tunisia, there is a great deal of skepticism regarding the competency and «responsible governance» of the interim government in juxtaposition with Tunisia’s international image as the ‘sole democracy in the Arab world’ as citizens sense that technocrats and politicians are incapable of rising above their own political and electoral trajectories to synchronise a unified, coordinated national response to aggression that is tantamount to a Palestinian holocaust.
Dix ans de prison avoir revendiqué les droits fondamentaux de son village. Restituer une partie des sources d’eau, intégrer les jeunes dans les usines et dédommager les dégâts causés par la Société des Phosphates de Gafsa au niveau des terrains agricoles, depuis des dizaines d’années. Ces condamnations judiciaires iniques ont touché quasiment toute la communauté. Au total, cent familles ont été condamné pour les mêmes motifs. Depuis un an, la lutte des habitants s’est orientée vers la simple demande de libération des prisonniers, malgré l’exacerbation de la misère dans le village.
Lawyers, academics, politicians, civil society, more than one-hundred fifty organizations, Tunisians and internationals were part of the movement to FreeAzyz Amami and Sabri Ben Mlouka: democratic transition demands that the misuse of judicial power inherent in police state be replaced by the precedence of an independent justice.
Citizens, politicians, analysts, and union members expecting concrete decisions and well-elaborated intitiatives in Jomâa’s press conference last Wednesday felt either marked disappointment or resignation to the Prime Minister’s consistently long-winded and half-hearted commitments to real reform.
تجمهر العديد من المساندين لعزيز عمامي و صبري بن ملوكة من عائلتهما واصدقاءهما ومدونّين ونشطاء من المجتمع المدني أمام قصر العدالة بتونس للتنديد بما اعتبروه تهمة كيديّة هدفها الإنتقام من عزيز لمواقفه بخصوص قضايا شهداء وجرحى الثورة وتبنّيه لحملة “حتى أنا حرقت مركز” التي كانت ردّة فعل على حملة الإيقافات التي طالت الشباب الذي قاد وساهم في الإحتجاجات منذ 17 ديسمبر 2010.
Thirty-one year old blogger and activist Aziz Amami was arrested yesterday, May 12, 2014 in La Goulette, a beachside neighborhood of the capital. Some time between ten and eleven o’clock Monday night, Amami and his friend, photographer Sabri Ben Mlouka, were purportedly pulled over and detained for the possession and consumption of marijuana.
بعد أسبوع من عمليّة الإيقاف التي تعرّض لها الناشط الشبابي والطلاّبي خليفة نعمان، تمّ يوم الخميس 8 ماي 2014 إطلاق سراحه من قبل المحكمة الابتدائيّة بتونس وحفظ ملفّ القضيّة لعدم كفاية الأدلّة. وللتذكير فقد تمّ ايقاف خليفة نعمان يوم الجمعة 2 ماي في سوسة اثناء عودته إلى جبنيانة في ظروف غامضة أشبه بالإختطاف، إذ تمّ منعه من الاتصّال بعائلته ومحاميه والتعتيم على مكان التحفّظ عليه.
تتعرّض مجموعة من الشباب في منزل بوزيّان من ولاية سيدي بوزيد، والذين كانوا في الصفوف الأولى خلال الثورة، إلى الإيقاف والتحقيق بتهمة الإعتداء على المراكز الأمنيّة وحرقها والتحريض والإخلال بالأمن العامّ كصفوان بوعزيز وبلال العمري. ولم تقتصر التحقيقات والملاحقات على هذين الشابين فقط، بل شملت جهات عدّة كجريح الثورة اللاجئ في المغرب جهاد مبروك والذي حكم عليه بثلاثة اشهر سجن بتهمة الإعتداء بالعنف، أو محمد بن سلامة وصابر مرايحي، بالإضافة إلى طاهر حيدري، شقيق أوّل جريح في الثورة، وشباب الكرم وشبّان آخرون في مختلف ولايات الجمهوريّة.
Is the ‘Martyrs of the Revolution Affair’ that has inundated Tunisian media over the past week symbolic of an already-failing post-revolutionary justice system? Or does it instead reflect the reappearance of the same sort of political corruption that thrived under old regime? Either way, the gaping division between a recent decision announced by Tunisia’s military tribunal and public opinion has Tunisians up in arms or at least on edge about the political, legal, and moral integrity of the State.
بقلم ياسين بلامين ترجمه إلى العربية محمد سميح الباجي عكّاز التشريعات يمكن أن تحمي المستهلكين من الأسعار التي يفرضها الاحتكار […]
