With Article 15 on the table for debate, peaking intensity of conflicts in Medenine over the closure of Ras Jedid, and Jomâa’s glowing reflections about his visit to Washington, and widespread public cynism about the volatility and apparent inefficiency of politics and politicians, the past week in politics in Tunisia captures the give-and-take, all-but-constant process that is ‘democratic transition’.
It is curious timing indeed that the report should be completed just before the Prime Minister’s official visit to Washington to entice American entrepreneurs to invest in Tunisia. In an interview with the Washington Post, Jomaa expressed intentions to pursue economic reforms that conceivably align with World Bank-propelled reforms: “The big trend for Tunisia is to encourage all private initiatives”.
That this report diffuses information which was previously inaccessible is a feature not to be overlooked or undervalued. In the wake of revolution and the unfolding democratic transition, the study’s objectives are relevant, its approach and resources transparent, its conclusions meticulously drawn and valuable to common knowledge and future research…However, a subtle but noteworthy contradiction associated with the confused designation of Tunisia as victim of state capture and as a role model for other countries reflects a greater, underlying discrepancy that exists at the institutional level.
With the electoral law on the table for discussion, the nomination of several ministry candidates, and the naming of eighteen governors, it is not surprising that election campaigns have rolled into action. Security remains a prominent issue in the National Dialogue and national media, and although the common concern is that insecurity is a block for the political process and efforts to precipitate democratic elections this year
The nature of immigration policy and visa procedures for Tunisians who wish to travel to the United States to take advantage of academic and professional exchange opportunities reflects the degree of authenticity of US rhetoric for cooperation, partnership, and collaboration at the civil society level.
This week’s highlights in Tunisian news and media: on the serious side, defining international relations and prospects for alliance-building; on a lighter note, Marzouki’s unwitting knack for comedic relief.
Another week in Tunisia’s politics is charged with mixed emotions. For now, in light of the unresolved and reinvigorated confusion surrounding the Belaid case and the elusive progress being made in election-planning processes, public demands for truth, accountability, and productivity reflect a citizenry eager for change, and still waiting for signs of it.
The show of US interest in Tunisia since the beginning of the revolution is significant, both in mainstream media and discourse as well as in US official investigations and reports. Whether docked at the capital port, or congratulating the prime minister, or releasing large sums of loan money into the economy, or advocating for a successful democratic transition, the United States has made it clear that it has a vision for Tunisia.
There is a palpable wait-and-see hesitancy that permeates the streets of Tunis, as many citizens hold their breath for tangible, measurable outcomes of Mehdi Jomâa’s work in office —an increase in value of national currency and reduction of the unemployment rate, for instance.
More than two years after the “revolution”, this very elite is still lagging behind; complaining about the absence of an “intellectual revolution” while no revolution whatsoever has yet occurred in our intellectuals’ minds.
The deposition of former Egyptian president Mohammed Morsi: call it what you like – a popular uprising, a military coup, a continuation of the “Arab Spring”, or a hammer blow to democratic reform efforts. Whatever it was, Tunisia is certainly not immune to it.
The last two years witnessed major changes in the MENA region (Middle East and North Africa), Falling down political regimes and starting liberation process in societies which have been living in decades of dictatorships. Those dictatorships were not only on the macro level, the state, but also on the micro level which is the family and even on the personal level.
As the work of the constituent assembly progresses, the debate appears strained when it comes to the different forms of political system on offer. At stake are, most importantly, the role and mode of election of the Head of State. There has been talk of a modified parliamentary system, a mixed system and a semi-presidential system.
For a month and a half since the famous popular uprisings that led to the Arab World’s first democratic revolution, Tunisia had been struggling to identify and implement the necessary structural and ideological changes that are essential for the budding democratic system. Tunisians all over the country had been patiently waiting to see what the interim government and the opposition leaders would bring to the table, and for a month and a half they got little more than flowery rhetoric praising the revolution and those who gave their lives for a democratic Tunisia.
Tunisia has blocked the website of a Lebanese newspaper that published US cables released by WikiLeaks describing high-level corruption, a […]
Just as the stories are starting to get interesting, the Tunisian authorities block Wikileaks and every other form of leaks […]
While journalist Fahem Boukaddous is on a lengthy and life threatening hunger strike at Gafsa prison to protest, as you […]
What happens when money, coercion and blood ties become the potion of power? A ‘state’ is born. Not ‘Tunis,’ that place of congeniality and conviviality as its Arabic name suggests. Rather, a different ‘Tunis,’ a Tunis, which is run and owned by a club of rich and powerful families. That ‘Tunis’ today conjures up a disturbing political triad […]
