Far from losing momentum, the protest movement which began in Gabes is breathing new life into social struggles in Tunisia. And continued repression in all of its forms is only making it grow stronger.
Far from losing momentum, the protest movement which began in Gabes is breathing new life into social struggles in Tunisia. And continued repression in all of its forms is only making it grow stronger.
Why aren’t awareness campaigns for fishermen and citizens enough to stop the slaughter of sea turtles? How can legal frameworks be adapted to the broader environmental challenges in Tunisia today? Investigation.
Slim Marzoug was one of the first Black Tunisians to publicly raise the issue of anti-Black racism in Tunisia in the 1960s. And yet he has nearly been forgotten, his story never having been openly recounted. Nevertheless, the circumstances of his confrontation with authoritarian power are ever engraved in the memory of those who knew him.
Faced with a failing public health system that has caused the severe shortage of medications in Tunisia, young doctors and union activists are mobilizing and proposing solutions. But the authorities remain in denial, and citizens can no longer wait on the government to ensure their access to adequate healthcare.
Ultimate safeguard against the government’s arbitrary use of power, Tunisian judges have themselves fallen victim to authoritarianism. The combat led by Anas Hmaidi, president of the Association of Tunisian Magistrates that has been targeted by the current regime, marks a new era of resistance.
Conceived as a model to help society’s most vulnerable groups—including women, Tunisia’s law on social and solidarity economy has, in fact, had the opposite effect.
Women are the first victims of air pollution produced by the Tunisian Chemical Group in Gabes. Today, women of the region are at the forefront of an unprecedented social movement, fighting to ensure the future of their children and of generations to come. Special report.
In Tunisia, migrant women give birth in precarious conditions, exposing their newborns to illness and malnutrition. Accused of contributing to a so-called “demographic change” within the country, they face administrative obstacles, racism and poverty. Their survival depends largely on the charity and limited assistance of international organizations.
Since 2022, freedom of expression and the right to information have suffered serious setbacks. Reforms initiated have failed to set up real safeguards against the derailing of the country’s “democratic transition” for political and personal ends. It is precisely the media’s entanglement with political power that constitutes the main handicap to its liberalization and full development.
With a general strike and special congress drawing near, 2026 promises to be a decisive year for the union organization founded by Farhat Hached. In December, the UGTT’s long-standing secretary general, Noureddine Taboubi, resigned from his position just as the Union gears up for a nationwide strike. Will the Union recover its place among the country’s dynamic forces, despite a destabilizing internal conflict and government attacks aiming to bring the organization to its knees?
Tunisia’s political and media landscape has changed drastically since 2021, with expanded use of criminal law against journalists, opposition figures, and commentators critical of authorities. This article presents the profiles of six individuals targeted within the scope of the government’s crackdown on dissidence: journalist Chadha Hadj Mbarek, media commentator Mourad Zeghidi, opposition politician Issam Chebbi, party leader Abir Moussi, young journalist and political activist Siwar Bargaoui, and lawyer–politician Ghazi Chaouachi.
The Nawaat Journalists’ Association received, on Friday, October 31, a notification ordering the suspension of its activities for one month. This measure is part of a series of arbitrary suspensions ordered by the authorities, targeting several activist associations. Nawaat commits to complying with the suspension of its activities for one month, and announces it will appeal in court, with support from voices for freedom and its companions in struggle.
In this city, to breathe is to inhale a toxic cocktail of sulfuric acid, carbon dioxide, ammonia and heavy metals. Today, the possibility of breathing air that does not kill has become a collective dream for the residents of Gabes.
After the success of the protest held on August 21, the UGTT had its first win. The union organization has regained its place in the public space, as its power struggle with the government reaches a critical stage.
Since July 25, 2021, Kais Saied has waged a systematic attack on intermediary structures. By removing counter powers and stifling critics, the Tunisian president has formed a government without mediation, opposition or debate.
The families of Tunisians who have disappeared in Italy no longer rely on the government to shed light on the fate of their children. Their stories reveal the solitary struggle carried on by the relatives of undocumented Tunisian migrants in the face of a government which, through its silence, is either failing in its duties or complicit in the ongoing tragedy.
Hamida, now 63, spent years unable to name what she endured—rape perpetrated by her own husband. Her experience, unfortunately far from rare, highlights the deep-seated taboo around marital sexual violence in Tunisia, where cultural, religious, and legal norms continue to enforce the silent suffering of countless women.
Tunisia’s recent trajectory has been marked by a serious regression in terms of civil liberties, particularly since 2023. The space for civil society has receded, with executive authorities wielding the law as a tool to target rights defenders, humanitarian organizations, and outspoken critics of the current government. This in-depth review presents the stories of seven individuals—Saadia Mosbah, Saloua Ghrissa, Imen Ouardani, Mustapha Djemali, Abdallah Saïd, Sherifa Riahi, and Sonia Dahmani—each of whom has faced arrest, prosecution, or extended detention for work previously regarded as necessary for Tunisia’s nascent democracy. By examining these cases in detail, we can understand the mechanisms at work against and consequences endured by those whose pursuits are humanitarian, anti-racist, or openly critical of the government in present-day Tunisia.