L’armée des invisibles est horizontale, sans hiérarchie, et se propage de façon omnidirectionnelle. Auto-radicalisés à domicile, ou radicalisés à distance depuis la Syrie ou l’Irak, ces individus ciblent désormais l’ennemi proche, « le Tyran » (Taghout en Arabe). La Tunisie, jadis ménagée par les jihadistes comme terre de prédication (ardh el Daawa), s’achemine vers le statut peu envié de domaine de la guerre (dar el harb) à la faveur de la folie meurtrière de daech.
يضطر المسافر إلى شراء طابع جبائي ب60 دينارا أو لا يمر! حاولت أن أجد وجها لحسن التدبير في هذا اﻵداء التونسي 100% فلم تسعفني إلى صورة “البراكاج”. الدولة التونسية لا يهمها أن تكون خواتم رحلات زائريها و سياحها و مواطنيها بالمسك رمزا لكرم و عدل و شهامة تونس. لا. الدولة التونسية تعلم أنّك كمسافر مجبر على الدفع و لا مفر، فتستغل ذالك إستغلال فاحشا (قارن 60 دينار باﻷجر اﻷدنى مثلا) و تقوم ببراكاج: من يدفع يمر. قلة ذوق فاحشة أن تكون آخر ذكرى لمن يزور تونس براكاج قانوني. هذا اﻹجراء يكاد يصرخ أنه كتب في تونس بعقلية إستغلالية من أمام خليفة الحماص.
لا تنجح الثورات إلاّ بعد استكمال خيبات الأمل كلّها، هكذا قال الشاعر الفلسطينيّ مريد البرغوثي و بهذا المنطق يجب أن يفكّر كلّ من آمن بإمكانيّة التغيير الجذريّ. ثورة التونسيّين ذات شتاء خذلتها الحسابات السياسيّة الضيّقة ومفاهمات الفنادق والغرف المغلقة، والمتاجرة بشعارات الثورة وشهداءها والمؤمنين بها. المطالب التي رُفعت يوم 17 ديسمبر في سيدي بوزيد وقبلها في الرديّف، هي البوصلة الحقيقيّة للتغيير المنشود، فلا ديمقراطيّة التخيير ولا الإستقرار المبطّن بالخوف والترهيب ولا الدكاكين الحزبيّة ولا إقتصاد نصير فيه أجراء على أرضنا كان مطمح من صرخ وجُرح واستشهد ذات شتاء.
In this newest publication, World Bank economists Antonio Nucifora and Bob Rijkers reiterate this background of corruption, characterized by «limited competition and active state intervention» and of which enduring vestiges are manifest in «three dualisms, namely the onshore-offshore division, the dichotomy between the coast and the interior, and the segmentation of the labor market»– to explain the present economic crisis that is its legacy.
Dans les pas d’un précédent rapport remis à la Tunisie en 2005, dont les recommandations ont été suivies par Ben […]
Even consequential economic woes pale slightly as the announcement of fixed election dates has solidified the finite temporality of transition, the imminent fork in the road and the uncertainty of the path towards which the ‘consensus’-driven country is steering—that of gradual progression through reform or stagnancy and gradual regression?
n Tunisia, the prominent actors and agents of democratic transition and the national media landscape that are so often the topics of Nawaat’s investigations—including the ATI, the ATT, the HAICA, whistleblowing platforms, freedom of expression and the right to information, transparency, the engagement of civil society—are also the foundation and driving forces (along with several important institutions mentioned below) of the vast and dynamic realm of Information and Communication Technologies.
As much as instruments to monitor and ensure transparency and the constitutional operation of state powers and processes, the HAICA and the ISIE are, just several months into their roles, equally accountable for their own transparency and constitutional operation. The next six months will not only measure their competency and capacity to fulfill this dual responsability but will more generally decide the nature and successfulness of elections and the direction of the country through and beyond the transition period.
The aptness of the SelfiePoubella campaign is largely in the irony of its approach, in its twisting of the conventionally individualistic focus of the Selfie in general and especially in the context of the Minister of Tourism’s fetish for self-portraits that have propagated and diffused across the media landscape with as much efficiency as the garbage that has cluttered the Tunisian landscape.
Quand Azyz est arrivé à Nawaat, nous voulions évoquer avec lui beaucoup de choses, après l’épreuve qu’il venait de traverser avec son ami Sabri Ben Mlouka. L’homme est toujours aussi révolutionnaire dans ses actes comme dans ses pensées. À peine lui avons-nous posé une première question, qu’il s’est mis à sortir ce qu’il avait sur le cœur. Et sur le cœur, il en avait tellement… au point où il ne parvenait plus, parfois, à contenir son émotion […]
Lawyers, academics, politicians, civil society, more than one-hundred fifty organizations, Tunisians and internationals were part of the movement to FreeAzyz Amami and Sabri Ben Mlouka: democratic transition demands that the misuse of judicial power inherent in police state be replaced by the precedence of an independent justice.
Citizens, politicians, analysts, and union members expecting concrete decisions and well-elaborated intitiatives in Jomâa’s press conference last Wednesday felt either marked disappointment or resignation to the Prime Minister’s consistently long-winded and half-hearted commitments to real reform.
As ANC deputies finalized the electoral law at Parliament chambers in Bardo, citizens filled capital streets with their presence, carrying posters and flags, chanting and singing the national anthem in honor of the international Labor Day holiday.
In the wake of shock and outrage regarding the military tribunal’s recent verdict in the Martyrs of the Revolution Affaire, the ANC seems to have become a veritable scapegoat for the growing pains of democratic transition, its interworkings the perceived epitome of mediocrity, incompetency, inefficiency, and obsoleteness.
Is the ‘Martyrs of the Revolution Affair’ that has inundated Tunisian media over the past week symbolic of an already-failing post-revolutionary justice system? Or does it instead reflect the reappearance of the same sort of political corruption that thrived under old regime? Either way, the gaping division between a recent decision announced by Tunisia’s military tribunal and public opinion has Tunisians up in arms or at least on edge about the political, legal, and moral integrity of the State.
Will continuing threats of strikes, milk siphoned across borders and spilled onto streets, and official demands for reforms within the dairy industry inspire more interest in prioritizing the needs of a suffering agricultural sector? Until now, articles and current issues of agricultural significance prompt little public response in comparison to other highly mediatized and provocative and agriculturally-relevant issues such as immigration, smuggling of contraband, border tensions, unemployment, international economic cooperation and trade.
Whereas abroad, «it is whispered in the halls of Washington that Mehdi Jomâa’s profile pleased [Americans] because it is that of a ‘pragmatic businessman,’» his discourse addressed to Tunisians pertaining to the country’s delicate economic situation has «stirred gossip and accusations of exaggeration and conspiracy theories.»
With Article 15 on the table for debate, peaking intensity of conflicts in Medenine over the closure of Ras Jedid, and Jomâa’s glowing reflections about his visit to Washington, and widespread public cynism about the volatility and apparent inefficiency of politics and politicians, the past week in politics in Tunisia captures the give-and-take, all-but-constant process that is ‘democratic transition’.
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