In the wake of shock and outrage regarding the military tribunal’s recent verdict in the Martyrs of the Revolution Affaire, the ANC seems to have become a veritable scapegoat for the growing pains of democratic transition, its interworkings the perceived epitome of mediocrity, incompetency, inefficiency, and obsoleteness.
Is the ‘Martyrs of the Revolution Affair’ that has inundated Tunisian media over the past week symbolic of an already-failing post-revolutionary justice system? Or does it instead reflect the reappearance of the same sort of political corruption that thrived under old regime? Either way, the gaping division between a recent decision announced by Tunisia’s military tribunal and public opinion has Tunisians up in arms or at least on edge about the political, legal, and moral integrity of the State.
Whereas abroad, «it is whispered in the halls of Washington that Mehdi Jomâa’s profile pleased [Americans] because it is that of a ‘pragmatic businessman,’» his discourse addressed to Tunisians pertaining to the country’s delicate economic situation has «stirred gossip and accusations of exaggeration and conspiracy theories.»
With Article 15 on the table for debate, peaking intensity of conflicts in Medenine over the closure of Ras Jedid, and Jomâa’s glowing reflections about his visit to Washington, and widespread public cynism about the volatility and apparent inefficiency of politics and politicians, the past week in politics in Tunisia captures the give-and-take, all-but-constant process that is ‘democratic transition’.
In the past month during which Tunisia celebrated its fifty-eighth year of independence from France, political parties have crowded public space and consciousness—an ebullient Ennahda rally on Avenue Habib Bourguiba, Hamadi Jebali in news headlines, and rumors that Tunisia-Libya border tensions have been exacerbated by political party backing.
The ‘open’ letter to Secretary Kerry, endorsed by and intended for US government officials, is written accordingly, in polished diplomatic terms where the return of every initiative is measured in dollars and proposed projects and investments perpetuate the image of the US abroad as a benevolent (soft) power.
With the electoral law on the table for discussion, the nomination of several ministry candidates, and the naming of eighteen governors, it is not surprising that election campaigns have rolled into action. Security remains a prominent issue in the National Dialogue and national media, and although the common concern is that insecurity is a block for the political process and efforts to precipitate democratic elections this year
Another week in Tunisia’s politics is charged with mixed emotions. For now, in light of the unresolved and reinvigorated confusion surrounding the Belaid case and the elusive progress being made in election-planning processes, public demands for truth, accountability, and productivity reflect a citizenry eager for change, and still waiting for signs of it.
The show of US interest in Tunisia since the beginning of the revolution is significant, both in mainstream media and discourse as well as in US official investigations and reports. Whether docked at the capital port, or congratulating the prime minister, or releasing large sums of loan money into the economy, or advocating for a successful democratic transition, the United States has made it clear that it has a vision for Tunisia.
There is a palpable wait-and-see hesitancy that permeates the streets of Tunis, as many citizens hold their breath for tangible, measurable outcomes of Mehdi Jomâa’s work in office —an increase in value of national currency and reduction of the unemployment rate, for instance.
The National Constituent Assembly’s first plenary session was overshadowed by a nationwide press strike in protest of the recent crackdown on Tunisian journalists and media personalities. Despite the resumption of political activity, the investigation of Mohamad Brahmi’s assassination remained at the forefront of Tunisian politics and was the focal point of Thursday’s meeting. In addition, both the opposition and ruling coalitions have reviewed UGTT’s latest proposal for a renewed dialogue.
August 27 marked a decisive turning point in the Tunisian government’s relationship with the Salafists. Indeed Ansara al-Shari‘a in Tunisia (AST), the most important Salafi group in Tunisia, was officially designated as a terrorist organization. Why this abrupt acceleration toward the systematic repression of the movement has occurred? What does it mean this government’s and, above all, Ennahda’s move?
“I entered politics as a man and I will leave it as a man.” These were some of the last words Mohamed Brahmi stated to one of his friends most loyal to the People’s Movement, several days before his death on 25 July 2013 in Tunis. Mohamed Brahmi was one who believed in true political engagement, the kind that requires a lifetime investment on the ground.
Last updated: Monday July 29th, 2013 @ 6:30am Tunis – Mohamed Brahmi, a deputy who resigned from the “Echaab” party to found “Attayar Echaabi” was assassinated today morning while he was leaving his home. The deputy, originating from Sidi Bouzid, was shot dead by 5 bullets. Following is a LiveBlogging of the last four days.
Following a long suspense, the Ansar Charia rally planned for 19 May in Kairouan but banned by the interior ministry finally didn’t take place. But this did nothing to dent the commitment of Salafists to what they call their “Islamic revolution.”
Since the beginning of the month, the hunt for al-Qaida-linked militants in Mount Chaambi, a region near the Algerian border, has instilled widespread anxiety and fear among the population. At least 17 soldiers and police have been seriously injured while searching for militants during the past few days. And back in December an encounter with the group costed the life of a young national guardsman.
The new book of the President of Tunisia Marzouki, The Invention of Democracy: The Lessons of the Tunisian Experience (L’invention d’une démocratie, les leçons de l’expérience tunisienne), might have little chance to restore faith in the democracy project under the leadership of Troika.
Tunisia’s Finance Minister Elyes Fakhfakh said last week the government expects to sign a $1.8 billion loan deal with the International Monetary Fund by May. An IMF team arrived in Tunisia for talks on April 8 before another meeting in Washington later this month, Fakhfakh said in an interview at Bloomberg’s Middle East headquarters in Dubai.
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